Male, Maldives – Police in the Maldives have raided the offices of a critical news outlet and barred its editors from leaving the country after it published a documentary alleging an affair between President Mohamed Muizzu and a former aide.

The government on Tuesday defended the operation against Adhadhu Online as a lawful response to what Muizzu has described as “baseless lies”.

Police were “right to investigate and raid the news outlet over false [adultery] allegations against the President,” Minister of Homeland Security Ali Ihusaan said in a post on X.

“Press freedom is guaranteed, but not a free pass to destroy reputations with lies,” he said.

The raid took place late on Monday night, with police seizing laptops and storage devices, hours after Muizzu called on “relevant authorities to press charges against all parties who spread such false information”.

The documentary, titled Aisha and posted on Adhadhu’s X and Facebook accounts on March 28, featured an anonymised interview with a woman who claimed she had had a sexual relationship with Muizzu.

The woman, who said she was a 22-year-old single mother, said the affair took place last year, shortly after she joined the President’s Office as an administrator. Muizzu is 47, married, and a father of three.

The documentary was released days before a constitutional referendum that delivered a stinging midterm rebuke to Muizzu, with 69 percent of voters rejecting a government proposal on April 4 to align presidential and parliamentary election cycles. Critics had said the plan would undermine checks and balances in the country.

‘On the government’s order’

The raid on Adhadhu – aligned with the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party – comes amid mounting concerns over press freedom in the Maldives, a Sunni Muslim island nation whose luxury resorts draw tourists from around the world. Those fears were stoked by a widely criticised media law passed in September of last year that established a commission, stacked with government loyalists, with the power to fine, suspend and shut down outlets.

A letter from the new regulator, along with a police intelligence report, formed part of the evidence for the search warrant against Adhadhu on Monday.

The warrant accused the outlet and its staff of “qazf” or the false accusation of adultery or unlawful sexual intercourse. The offence carries a prison term of one year and seven months, and can also include 80 lashes.

Adhadhu CEO Hussain Fiyaz Moosa, who was slapped with a travel ban over the documentary, condemned the police’s actions as an attack on press freedom.

“This is being done by the police, with the influence of the government, on the government’s order, to directly stop our work,” he told Al Jazeera.

During the four-hour search, Fiyaz said police seized the laptops of journalists, marketing staff and administrators, along with hard drives and pen drives, despite a court warrant that authorised only search and inspection of the premises.

He said a separate criminal court warrant issued later imposed a travel ban on him and Editor Hassan Mohamed, freezing their passports until July 26. The order cited a police intelligence report alleging that the two were planning to flee the country.

Fiyaz, who had returned to the Maldivian capital, Male, from an overseas trip shortly before the raid, said the basis for the order made no sense. He stressed that police had not approached the newsroom with any questions in the four weeks between the documentary’s publication and the raid.

The police’s actions, Fiyaz said, would not stop Adhadhu’s work.

“No matter how much the government wants to stop Adhadhu news, our voice and our pens cannot be silenced,” he said.

Al Jazeera is awaiting comment from the Maldivian government on Fiyaz’s claims.

Chief spokesperson Mohamed Hussain Shareef told Al Jazeera he would respond later on Tuesday, as he was boarding a plane.

‘A clear red line’

The raid on Adhadhu was not the first on Maldivian newsrooms.

The offices of Maldives Independent, a news website, was searched in 2016, while the broadcasting regulator also pulled two television stations off air during the same period. But the criminal use of “qazf” against a news outlet and the wholesale seizure of journalists’ computers and storage devices are both unprecedented.

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Tuesday called on the government to return the seized equipment and lift the travel bans.

“The raid on Adhadhu and subsequent travel bans are an attempt to criminalise investigative journalism under the guise of religious and national interests,” said CPJ’s Asia-Pacific Program Coordinator Kunal Majumder. “Using religious laws to bypass civil media regulations sets a chilling precedent. Authorities must allow the press to hold government offices accountable.”

The Maldives Journalists Association also expressed alarm.

“The government is crossing a clear red line,” it said in a statement.

“We demand an immediate end to the intimidation of journalists and the suppression of press freedom.”

Qatar’s foreign ministry spokesman Majed al-Ansari told reporters at a weekly briefing that the Strait of Hormuz must not be used as a bargaining chip, as peace talks between the US and Iran continue to stall.

President Alexandr Lukashenko is hoping to improve relations with the West once more.

Belarus has released Polish-Belarusian journalist Andrzej Poczobut from jail as part of a prisoner exchange.

Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk confirmed the release on Tuesday, noting that Warsaw had been helped in a joint diplomatic push on Minsk by the United States, Romania and Moldova.

The prisoner swap with Poland saw 10 prisoners released overall, with signs that Belarusian President Alexandr Lukashenko is hoping to improve relations with the West once more. Ties have deteriorated due to his support for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Poczobut was detained by Belarusian authorities in 2021 and later sentenced to eight years in a labour camp after a trial widely criticised by rights groups and Western governments as politically motivated.

Concerns had grown in recent years about his health while in detention.

“Andrzej Poczobut is free! Welcome to your Polish home, my friend,” Tusk posted on social media.

Belarus also ⁠released Polish priest ⁠Grzegorz Gawel and a Belarusian who helped Polish ‌services, whose name was not to be revealed, ⁠the Polish leader added.

‌Russians and Moldovans were also among the prisoners swapped in a “five ⁠for ⁠five” exchange.

Joint-effort

Tusk also noted that the release followed lengthy diplomatic efforts.

“The exchange at the Polish-Belarusian border is the finale of a two-year-long intricate diplomatic game, full of dramatic twists,” he said.

“It succeeded thanks to the outstanding work of our services, diplomats and prosecutors, as well as the tremendous help from our American, Romanian and Moldovan friends.”

The announcement came hours after Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski published a photograph of a meeting with US Special Envoy to Belarus John Coale, saying the pair had discussed “important issues”.

Coale later said that the US had helped to secure the release of three Polish nationals and two Moldovans.

“We thank Poland, Moldova, and Romania for their invaluable support in this effort, as well as President Lukashenko’s willingness to pursue constructive engagement with the United States,” he said.

“Under President Trump, America shows up for its allies and delivers diplomatic victories no one else can,” he claimed.

Poczobut, who had worked as a correspondent for the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, has been arrested numerous times in Belarus over the past decade.

In 2011, he was fined and jailed for 15 days for his participation in protests following Belarus’s 2010 presidential election. He was later detained again in 2011 and 2012 on accusations of insulting Lukashenko.

His cases drew international condemnation, with the European Parliament, Reporters Without Borders and Amnesty International among organisations calling for his release.

Earlier this year, the European Parliament awarded Poczobut and Georgian journalist Mzia Amaglobeli the Sakharov Prize.

Mali is reeling from attacks on army bases over the weekend that killed Defence Minister Sadio Camara, his wife, two children and an unclear number of other people.

Intermittent explosions continued around Senou International Airport, south of the capital, Bamako, late on Monday, according to reports.

At least 16 people were injured in the coordinated offensives, which began on Saturday, by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and secessionist fighters from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA).

Videos showed scores of fighters on motorcycles riding with little resistance into cities across northern and northeastern regions: Kidal, Gao, Sevare, Kati and Bamako.

The FLA is fighting for self-determination. Here’s what we know about the movement seeking autonomy in northern Mali and what its latest move means for its future and for Mali:

What is Azawad?

Azawad is a self-declared autonomous region in northern Mali proclaimed during the 2012 Malian civil war.

The roots of the independence movement go back decades. Ethnic Tuaregs have fought for an independent state since the early 1900s. After French colonisers exited Mali – then French Sudan – in 1960, that demand intensified.

Tuaregs and Arabs predominantly occupy northern Mali. They have closer ties with populations in Algeria, northern Niger and parts of Mauritania than with the Bambara people, who make up the majority of Mali’s population.

In 1962, Tuareg rebels began attacking government positions in northern Mali in uncoordinated offensives. The rebellion was crushed, forcing many civilians to flee to neighbouring countries and causing resentment. Droughts in the north, which killed livestock and severely affected the nomadic lifestyle of its people, added to the anger.

In 1990, the rebels attacked again with Tuaregs from northern Niger. The groups in Mali were the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MPLA), founded by Iyad Ag Ghaly; the Arab Islamic Front of Azawad (FIAA); and the United Movements and Fronts of Azawad (MFUA).

A peace deal was struck with some of the rebels in 1995, but attacks continued sporadically in northern Mali.

What happened in the 2012 civil war?

In January 2012, a new wave of attacks by Tuaregs and armed groups ignited the Malian civil war.

It was led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), made up of Tuareg fighters who had earlier taken refuge in Libya and fought for Muammar Gaddafi. Bilal Ag Cherif led the movement.

The MNLA partnered with a newly formed ideological group Ansar Dine, led by Iyad Ag Ghali, at the start of the war. Although they were partners, fighting also broke out between the two groups.

They succeeded in seizing swaths of territory across the north, including Kidal, Timbuktu and Gao after a March military coup in Bamako created a power vacuum.

On April 6, 2012, Bilal Ag Cherif declared Azawad’s independence.

The next month, both sides announced a formal coalition. However, fighting again broke out between the MNLA and Ansar Dine.

While the rebels wanted to declare self-governance, Ansar Dine and its allies in al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) wanted to establish strict Islamic law. Eventually, those elements hijacked the rebel cause, isolating the MNLA.

In 2013, 4,000 French soldiers were deployed to Mali at Bamako’s request.

Bamako eventually signed a fragile peace deal, the Algiers Accords, with an organised Tuareg coalition, the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA), in May 2015.

Mali agreed to give more autonomy to the north, integrate former fighters and invest in the region to reduce poverty.

A United Nations peacekeeping mission consisting of about 11,000 soldiers was deployed to the area.

How did the FLA form?

Although the rebellion cooled, fighting by Ansar Dine and similar emerging groups continued.

In 2017, JNIM was formed by a merger of four al-Qaeda-allied groups: Ansar Dine, AQIM, Katina Macina and al-Mourabitoun. It is led by Ag Ghaly and operates with about 10,000 fighters across the border areas of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso.

As attacks by JNIM worsened and the group began seizing swaths of northern Mali, the military again seized power in Bamako in August 2020, promising an end to the crisis.

France and many other countries condemned the coup, causing Bamako’s stance against Paris and other international partners to become more hostile.

Popular anger was also growing in affected Sahelian countries as many people claimed the French military presence was not helping.

In 2021 as French troops were asked to withdraw from Mali, Russian mercenaries from the Wagner Group arrived in Bamako to fill the security gap.

Mali, now suspended by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), also requested the exit of the UN peacekeepers in 2023, accusing them of failing to stabilise the area. About 310 peacekeepers had been killed in the crisis at that time.

Fighting between the Malian army and Tuaregs flared up over who would control the peacekeepers’ vacated bases, leading to dozens of civilian deaths and pushing thousands of people into Mauritania.

Bamako tore up the Algiers Accords in January 2024 and began attacking JNIM and Tuareg positions, reigniting another rebellion.

In November 2024, the Azawad Liberation Front formed from components of past rebel groups. It is led by Alghabass Ag Intalla, and the group is once more calling for self-determination.

Why did the FLA partner with JNIM?

Tuareg separatists have again partnered with armed groups who have a different objectives but with whom they share a common enemy: the Malian government.

Since their movement was hijacked in 2012, Tuareg rebels were careful not to associate with armed groups. But they are intertwined. Both draw fighters from the same northern communities that have long decried marginalisation.

The rebels are now “throwing caution to the wind”, however, Beverly Ochieng, a Senegal-based West Africa analyst at the intelligence firm Control Risks, told Al Jazeera.

“This alliance is not surprising,” Ochieng said, explaining that both sides have always coexisted in the north. “FLA has had to gauge what works, and this is more tactically advantageous to them because they have the same interests. FLA cannot defeat the Malian army alone.”

Their political interests are aligning too, Ochieng said, as JNIM in recent years has softened its rhetoric around strict religious rules and focused on campaigning against the Malian army’s rights violations.

JNIM has also been accused of violations. Its fighters, like those from the Mali-Russia alliance, have been accused of attacking civilians, but the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data monitoring group found that in 2024 and 2025, the government and its allied forces killed three to four times more civilians.

In July 2024, rebels attacked a convoy of Malian and Russian fighters in the northern town of Tinzaouaten. The rebels said they killed 47 Malian soldiers and 84 Russian fighters although the Malian government said it suffered losses but that it also killed 20 rebels. JNIM claimed it was a part of the attacks. The Tuareg rebels publicly denied it.

This past weekend’s attacks marked the first time that JNIM and the FLA officially coordinated their operations.

Russian fighters were allowed to exit the city of Kidal after negotiations by Algeria. In a statement, JNIM said it wished for a “balanced future relationship” with Moscow.

Ochieng added that while Russia will likely work with any group in power to keep its foothold in the Sahel, JNIM is unlikely to hold political office in Bamako because it lacks legitimacy.

“None of the countries in the region will want JNIM in power, especially the AES states,” she said, referring to the Alliance of Sahel States, consisting of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

JNIM could ally with exiled political parties in the south and the FLA in the north, she said.

Which countries are accused of backing the FLA?

• Ukraine: A scandal emerged after the Tinzaouaten ambush. A Ukrainian official disclosed to the media that the rebels received “information” to fight the Russians. Although Ukraine later denied this, Mali cut off ties with Kyiv, expressing “deep shock”.
• Algeria: Algiers is currently in a tense standoff with Bamako as Mali accuses Algieria of sheltering rebels. Algeria denies this.
• France: Bamako has long accused France of supporting the rebels and facilitating meetings of its leaders in Europe.
• Mauritania: The country that borders Mali to the north has taken in 300,000 Malian refugees. Bamako claims rebels are being sheltered there too, but Nouakchott denies this and maintains a conciliatory stance. There are reports of Mauritanians in border villages being killed by Malian soldiers and Russian fighters, but Mauritania has not commented.

What’s next for the FLA?

The FLA now claims control of Kidal, a Tuareg stronghold. JNIM claims it jointly controls Kidal and Mopti.

According to videos on social media, FLA fighters were seen disarming Malian soldiers in Kidal. The fate of the leader of Mali’s military government, President Assimi Goita, is unknown. He has not been seen since Saturday.